Davies, D. J. (1996) The Sacred Crematorium. Mortality, 1 (1): 83-94

 

Davies looks at how crematoria cultivate a sense of the sacred. He begins by outlining the historical rise of cremation from the late 19th century, explaining the debate of the rite in relation to religiosity. Lindsey Jones’ term ‘ritual architectural event’ is introduced as focusing on three elements, “(i) on the actual built form, (ii) on human beings burdened with expectations and religious opinions and (iii) on the ceremonial occasion which brought buildings and people into an involvement with one another” (Davies, 1996: 84). Looking first at the built form of the crematorium, Davies describes the main chapel, usually furnished with religious and ritualistic symbols, as distinct from the utilitarian workshop area behind the cremator. Davies looks next at the mode of entry and exit in the design of crematoria, noting that in Britain, it was common to have different doors for each, to quickly and orderly move the congregation in time for a new group arriving. Davies summarises the built form as lessening the sacred sense of crematoria, as previously mentioned features imply a transitional space. Turning to Jones’ second element, Davies looks at the religious expectations with which people approach the place and how these have changed over time. Whilst people once grew up experiencing churches and chapels, the expected characteristics of crematoria is now more likely to be gleaned from films, television and other media. Only after personally experiencing the crematorium do people attach a sense of the sacred to such spaces. “In other words, the sacred status of crematoria in later 20th century Britain comes more from personal experience than from inherited tradition” (Davies, 1996: 86). Addressing Jones’ third element, Davies points out the technical necessities of crematoria which link ritual with function and tie the congregation to the place.

Looking next at Harold W. Turner’s theories, Davies asks whether the crematorium is a divine place of the deity or an emotionally neutral place for the congregation. The majority of British crematoria were given a religious dedication when opened. Crematorium architecture tends to reflect church architecture, with alter, stained glass windows and often an organ.

“In this sense an official sacred status is conferred upon them functionally” (Davies, 1996: 89) but still pay local taxes. In Turner’s terms, the crematorium is a place of the deity (domus ecclesiae) during the funeral service, as religious personnel often lead the service, and it is the neutral place of the congregation (domus dei) during subsequent memorial visits. Since the 1970s, there has been a growing trend for people to scatter ashes outwith the crematorium area, in a place of special significance, making the crematorium a “means to an end” (Davies, 1996: 92).

 
 

“Between the 1890s and the 1990s crematoria underwent a major change of status as they were increasingly invested with a sacred value” (Davies, 1996: 83). The first crematorium opened in Estonia was in Tallinn in 1993 (Loomulik Surm, 2016).”By the 1990s some 70% of British funerals took the form of cremation with the majority conducted by ministers of religion” (Davies, 1996: 83).

 

NOTE: “Pentrebychan in North Wales and at several Swedish sites, including Asplund’s Stockholm Crematorium, which have been analysed in terms of the relation between spirituality and cemeteries” (Davies, 1996: 93).